The comments thread on my post about housing affordability, put up nearly a week ago, has raged on over the past few days to reach well over 130 comments – many of them extremely interesting. Inevitably, one of the big areas of debate has been around urban limits and they role they potentially play in driving up house prices. As I noted in my original post (to an extent), the argument against urban limits generally revolves around the following:

  • They restrict land supply so therefore drive up the cost of land and therefore the cost of housing
  • They protect land uses which are of less value to society than the uses the land could be put to
  • They restrict our freedom to live the way we want to live
  • Because they drive up the cost of land inside the limits so much, it’s not economic for much of the current “available” greenfield land to actually be built on

Going against this argument are a number of points in favour of urban limits, which include:

  • They compensate for the fact that development doesn’t properly “pay its way”
  • They protect important rural land, which produces a lot of food in a location very close to consumers
  • In the absence of road pricing, they are a way to limit congestion and the “need” to build more roads
  • They are a counter-balance to all the restrictions put on urban intensification
  • They are a recognition of the durability of urban development, in that once land becomes urbanised it’s very difficult and expensive to make it rural again – even if economic indicators suggest it should be ‘re-ruralised’

The debate is an interesting one, although the economic purism of some of the arguments puts forward frustrates me at times. I am a firm believer that complex issues are complex, and generally can’t be reduced down to some simple economic graph or formula. But that aside, it’s a worthy debate to have.

One key discussion that comes through is the issue of allowing growth to occur more easily within the current urban limits, if we are to properly “level the playing field” between intensification and sprawl. This is something Harvard Professor of Economics, Edward Glaeser, picks up on in a talk he gave at a Vancouver Urban Forum discussion recently – the importance of allowing cities to “grow up” if we want to avoid them “growing out”. The big problem in Auckland is that we’ve made it so difficult to intensify – due to planning rules which typically promote urban sprawl through density controls, height limits, yard requirements and so on – that greenfield growth is by far the “easier” option for a prospective developer. Even though we supposedly want to limit sprawl.

Here’s his talk:

I look forward to sprawl advocates such as Councillor Dick Quax, who wants to get rid of the urban limits because of their market distortions, being at the forefront of pushing to loosen development restrictions within the currently urbanised area – as they’re clearly working against the market and stopping people from living where they want to.

This point is reinforced by what’s been happening to section prices in Auckland, picked up on by this excellent article:

Auckland’s median section price has increased by 8.8 per cent over the same period, from $285,000 in 2007 to $310,000 this year. And that increase has come during a period of subdued building activity, lending weight to the argument that there is a supply problem.

But a closer look reveals that most of the price pressure has come from the region’s more desirable suburbs. People who can afford to live in these are prepared to pay ever higher prices to get the home of their dreams.

But if you go out to the region’s fringes, near to where most of the new supply would come from if rural land was opened up for housing, section prices have been declining.

In Franklin on Auckland’s southern rump, the median section price has declined from $253,000 for the three months to June 2007 to $235,000 for the three months to June 2012, a drop of 7.1 per cent.

In Rodney to the north, section prices have fallen even more sharply, dropping by 28.2 per cent over the same period.

The divide between section prices in the posh suburbs and those in less desirable areas is most noticeable on the North Shore, where the median section price in the affluent East Coast Bays has increased by 3.6 per cent over the last five years, while just over the hill in less desirable Albany, the median section price has dropped by 10 per cent.

That suggests an aspect to the housing market which is often overlooked by those who advocate increasing urban sprawl. You could develop subdivisions for Africa in the back of beyond but it wouldn’t mean people want to live there.

While some greenfield development is probably necessary, to simply increase the total supply of housing (which is important because, as Glaeser notes, we are talking about the market as a whole here so everyone who does want to live out the back of beyond is one less person competing for an inner area), if there is little demand for these outer areas then providing even more land isn’t going to make much difference.

I often suspect that those opposing urban limits are still stuck in the past, when there wasn’t much desire for inner city living and when everyone really did want to live on a big piece of land in the middle of nowhere. They see urban limits as an affront on that lifestyle. Problem is that times have changed, people now do want to live centrally and that’s really where we need to provide more housing. In places where people actually want to live.

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22 comments

  1. I find it had to believe that if more rural land was made available for development the prices would come down much.
    I think high land prices could be more a product of “small subdivisions” and tax law encouraging people to speculate/landbank on the fringes waiting for prices to rise before releasing for sale.
    I could support some scheme whereby infrastructure (power/water/localroads) for new development is payed not from the price of the section but by some charging a 10year infrastructure levy on the sections rates.
    It would mean developers don’t need such deep pockets (less risk), council could get the job done properly rather than cheaply (no more cheap developer roads with no kerbing), and prices look cheaper.

  2. Auckland needs to maintain the urban limits so that it doesn’t become like many American cities, with suburbs and exurbs that are now empty. Peter’s point about “re-ruralification” is very important. When cities have over-expanded and are trying to shrink, trying to convert ex-urban plots into “urban farms” is a very time-consuming task. Here are some examples from Detroit:
    http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052702304898704577479090390757800.html,
    http://www.freep.com/article/20120705/BUSINESS06/207050499/Hantz-Farms-urban-agriculture-plan-close-to-reality-for-Detroit,
    http://www.freep.com/article/20120627/NEWS01/120627045/Detroit-MSU-urban-agriculture-research-campus

  3. The big problem New Zealand has is having Auckland city located on a volcanic field.If we want to make Auckland more dense its like putting all your eggs in one basket. Unfortunately for New Zealand a volcanic eruption centred in the volcanic field would probably send the country bankrupt.

    1. Just as much danger as Wellington and Christchurch have from earthquakes. I doubt you’ll be able to get people to move to Hamilton or Dunedin either.

    2. People keep arguing this yet how do you force people out of the city without draconian measures. I find that most people who argue this are flagrantly anti-Auckland.

    1. Potentially not a bad idea. A well developed Hamilton could work well, but it doesn’t have the coastal appeal that Auckland has. Tauranga might work, but that isn’t safe from a tsunami…

  4. The debate is polarised as “new housing on the edge” vs “new housing in inner areas”. In Melbourne the less desirable edge areas have been developed as large-lot industrial areas for warehousing and logistics. This enables inner industrial land to be freed up for high-density brownfield apartment development, while the industry can move to larger sites with better truck access. The new industrial areas are low-density employers, with many of the office functions being undertaken in the CBD, and the “worker-intensive” production components undertaken overseas. Traffic congestion of workers heading to these industrial areas is not a problem, because they are travelling in the counter-peak direction. Could encouragement of this type of development on the southern fringe of Auckland free up older industrial land with good PT access for housing redevelopment ?

    I am not advocating that worker-intensive factory employers move to the new “edge city”, nor offices. But warehousing and car yards are suitable.

    The requirements of such areas for new road infrastructure are quite different from residential sprawl, because it doesn’t need to cope with peak direction car commuting – they only need wide roads for truck access to the motorway or railway freight yard. There is also a benefit in reduced requirements for new infrastructure in the inner industrial areas that can then be vacated by industry.

    1. Malcolm,

      This is a good idea. Fletchers CEO was pushing for something akin to this recently. Basically the entire suburb of Penrose could be redeveloped into medium to high density residential.

  5. Yep, a classic example of “intensification”. This has to be better for the city all round and should be the low-hanging fruit we are going after.

  6. A great post Peter M, and an interesting and informative video, or at least until Mr Glaeser got on to carbon (dioxide) emissions, which totally undermined his credibility. What’s with these economists that they can’t do some basic research into climate change and discover that it’s been occurring for 5b years (give or take a billion) and that mankind’s contribution is and always has been infinitesimal? Oh that’s right, he’s an academic, so his contract probably requires it. OK, rant over.

    However, I agree with you that planning restrictions are the greatest single contributor to the excessive cost of inner city housing; that and ever-increasing rates due to positive feedback from cost/valuation increases. But I’ve seen nothing in this or the previous discussion thread to convince me that urban sprawl – such an emotive word – is a bad thing either. It’s the developer who meets the infrastructure costs, which he then passes on to the purchaser (apart from feeder roads I guess, and even then, upgrading of these by the developer where they abut the development is usually a council requirement).

    In summary, why not abandon or at least push out the MUL, de-restrict regulations for both urban and rural development, progressively if deemed necessary to avoid unintended consequences, and let the market find the balance?

    1. One more time just for you:
      1. The application of minimum parking requirements has created an over-supply of parking; and
      2. Meanwhile, congestion is an unpriced externality for which users do not face the true cost; so
      3. The presence of cheap parking and un-priced congestion lowers the cost of driving and encourages development to sprawl.

      Now, Auckland Council is – from what I can tell – working to rectify #1 and #2, i.e. they are 1) working to de-regulate parking so that the market can determine the efficient level of supply and 2) working to implement more accurate road pricing, which has a time-of-use dimension.

      Problem is that changing parking regulations and implementing road pricing takes time: Probably 5-15 years. So we need the MUL until then as a means of preventing too much “un-economic” low density development from happening.

      Or the simple technical answer to your question is that the land-use development market is hugely out of balance to begin with, because of distortions in the transport market. So in this context the MUL is a “second-best” regulatory intervention. Or at least that’s my take on the issue …

      1. Not sure if you’re answering me or someone else Stu. Or maybe I just don’t understand your jargon (takes me back to uni days). But regarding an oversupply of parking, don’t make me laugh! On the odd occasion that I drive into the city, finding parking is a real mission. And I don’t mind paying either. Even on a Sunday afternoon all the kerbside stuff is taken, and in the evenings try finding a spot in the underground carpark. Sky City’s a bit better, especially if you can validate…

        1. Patrick, please read my comment again – yes, kerbside parking is free on Sundays and evenings (at the moment) and relatively cheap at other times (if you can find one), but parking buildings sure aren’t! But please advise where these thousands of accessible cheap parks are; I’d love to know (I’m talking casual parking here, not “early bird” parks etc on vacant lots, or company carparks where the employer pays FBT).

  7. The “poster child” used by Demographia is Dallas Texas. What Demographia don’t publicise is that infrastructure costs are paid for by rate levies on the development for the next 30 years, and that borrowing is through public sector bonds. This secures a lower interest rate than the private sector bond market. How would NZ free market advocates react to
    – special rate levies within new developments ?
    – increased government borrowing ?

    The free market advocates seem to pick and choose what suits them from international practice. They want new edge developments, new infrastructure paid for by all taxpayers, and no increase in government borrowing. Can they point to where in the world all of these are achieved at any scale ?

  8. If anything’s clear from 130 comments it’s that people have different preferences about intensification. The market is normally pretty good at figuring out what people want in that sort of situation, but price signals need to accurately reflect all costs. So this might be better expressed as a market design problem than a planning problem.

  9. I think those advocating extension of the MUL clearly don’t understand the engineering considerations. Wendell Cox advocates leapfrog development as this is what is done is Houston. However due to need to connect to council services this is impossible. A large part of the benefit of the MUL is to to prevent inappropriate development in the future urban growth path, like excessive rural residential subdivision. This makes things much more difficult and expensive to develop in the future. Alfriston is a great example of this, 0.5ha size lots with huge houses in them middle make future development 20 years down the track very difficult.
    Other important things the MUL does is give bit more time for master-planning of development so a community can be developed, rather than a soulless mess of houses developed bit by bit., with retail, public transport and community facilities.
    I think the planning of future development is just as important and most of the negatives associated with sprawl come from this, rather than the building of new houses. I think we need to separate these issues. The main thing the MUL does is stop large new developments in Kumeu, Karaka, Dairy Flat etc, rather than stopping house building on the urban fringe. If we had seen huge new self contained developments like Pegasus (near Christchurch) they would have got into big trouble and 2008 and ground to a halt just like everything else, and thats the free market at work!

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